Royal Commission on Learning Report: Short Version
Royal Commission on Learning
Power and decision-making in the
education system
Thousands and thousands of decisions, from the most trivial to
the most momentous, are made about every aspect of Ontario's school system
every year. When we remember that in a population of ten million, these schools
contain two million students and more than 100,000 teachers, and then add on
their families, plus the countless others whose lives are intimately involved
with schools, from textbook writers to cafeteria suppliers, we get a sense of
just how vast and complex the system is. That's why figuring out who has the
power to make those decisions, or the influence to affect them, is so
important. In our mandate, this was called the governance issue.
One of the things we eventually learned was how many more
sources of influence there were than we expected. At the top, although this
doesn't necessarily mean having all the power, are the Minister of Education
and Training and his political assistants. Then there's the Ministry's civil
service, including its regional offices. Naturally there are the school boards,
but there again within most of them we have two distinct groups, the elected
trustees and the board administrators. There are principals, department heads,
teachers, and the unions that represent all Ontario teachers and principals.
There are parents and members of the business community, plus librarians,
social service agencies, computer salespeople, and many others. And we mustn't
forget students, although in the power picture they're normally at the farthest
margins. All of these groups have some influence over the system - even
students - and almost all of them want more. Even universities are in the
picture in a big way; besides the obvious central role of faculties of
education, they have a decisive influence in the way our high schools are
organized, although few Ontarians know it.
Frankly, we found the system complex and far from transparent.
Many of the players have overlapping responsibilities, such as in curriculum
development; some are too often in conflict with others, such as boards and the
Ministry; some have powers they fail to exert, such as the Ministry; some,
including parents and students, want real power, or at least influence, while
others merely want to be consulted more regularly. Inevitably there are
struggles for power among these interests. Sometimes those tussles involve
legitimate areas of principle, while others seem to be rather more
self-interested. At the moment, almost none of the many players is satisfied
with the status quo (although it's a real question whether it can ever really
be otherwise). For us, the objective became to clarify roles and
responsibilities, to reduce overlap and confusion, and to find the elusive
right balance of power and influence between them. As always, the overriding
criteria we used in seeking that balance is as plain as can be: Does it promote
good learning and teaching? Does it put the interests of student achievement
first and foremost?
A second issue follows almost inevitably: our mandate calls it
accountability, and what it means is how we the public know whether our public
education system is functioning well enough, and who is to answer for
performance and results. With so many cooks stirring the pot, no-one seems in
charge, responsibilities aren't self-evident, ordinary citizens have little
idea whom to blame or credit for the way they believe our schools are working.
This isn't the way it ought to be in a democratic society.
While the main report has many pages of thoughts and
recommendations on these issues, we'll only indicate our key points here. We
want more authority for the Ministry, more influence for students and teachers,
more precise responsibilities for boards, and a greater role for principals,
parents, and community folk in bringing community resources closer to schools.
If our proposals are implemented, and if power and influence are redistributed
in the way we envision, then those who most directly matter in the achievement
of better learning and teaching - kids, teachers, principals, parents, and the
community - will all genuinely feel that the system takes them seriously, that
their roles and views matter, and that they have a responsibility to make their
schools the very best institutions possible.
Students
Only a small number of presentations, other than those from
students themselves, suggested more influence for students in their own
schools. We see this omission as short-sighted, the waste of an invaluable
resource. We don't mean students running schools, or hiring or firing teachers,
or any of the silly extreme notions these words could be taken to imply. But
students, particularly from Grade 7 on, have insights into their schools,
principals, teachers, and courses that no-one else possibly can, and everyone
can learn from those insights. Instead of remaining passive participants in
their own lives, we want kids to be formally entitled to have their views
heard.
That's why we recommend that student councils be given the
responsibility for organizing students' views on all aspects of school life. We
believe there should be at least one student member, elected by his or her
peers, on every school board. We want the Minister to create an Ontario student
and youth council comparable to the Ontario Parent Council which was set up in
1993. And we believe kids are entitled to be involved in developing codes of
behaviour and other selected school policies and procedures that affect them so
directly. Finally, we want students, principals, teachers, and parents to
collaborate on a students' charter of rights and responsibilities that would
fully set out the roles of students as citizens of the world of Ontario
schools.
Teachers and principals
As indicated earlier, we spend many pages in the main report
detailing our understanding of how the highly complex process of learning
happens. That's why we insist that the process of teachers' professional
development be significantly expanded both at the preliminary stage and
throughout every educator's career. Understanding kids and their learning
requires common sense, experience, and caring. But this is not enough.
Considerable skill and specialized knowledge is also required. It would be
unreasonable to hope that many parents or, for that matter, business people,
would have the kind of knowledge or training that's needed.
For this reason, we've concluded that no-one's better equipped
to be in charge of schools than educators themselves - the principals,
vice-principals, department heads, and teachers. Of course they are no more
infallible than other mortals, and it's obvious that their skills must be
substantially enhanced to cope with the tough new world that confronts them.
But in the end, it's the principal who makes or breaks a school. There can be
excellent classrooms without excellent principals, but there can be no
excellent schools. That's why they must be given the responsibility for
managing their schools, and must have greater authority than most do now by
sharing the hiring of new staff with boards, and by gaining increasing control
over their schools' budget.
At the same time, however, any principal worth his salt - we say
"his" because the numbers are still overwhelmingly male - will naturally
consult parents about the life of the school. They will - they must - make
parents feel welcome in the school, and will make sure that the staff gives
parents concrete support in helping their children with schoolwork at home.
They will create a school climate in which teaching and learning, and student
achievement, are seen as the key purposes that unite everyone in the school.
They will make the teaching staff full partners in running the school, and will
pay close attention to the opinions of students. And they will be the school's
senior liaison with its external community, forging those relationships that
will remove from teachers some of the inappropriate burdens they have been
obligated to assume. Any principal who fails to live up to these obligations is
in the wrong job.
Let's focus again on the all-important teacher. We can't repeat
too many times that no serious improvement in our schools is possible without
the enthusiastic co-operation of every teacher in the system. While studies of
school restructuring projects agree on precious little, such as whether
centralization or decentralization of decision-making around schools is more
effective for better learning, virtually all conclude that making teachers full
collaborators in running schools is a positive step. How we can recognize
teachers as the keys to a superior learning system and then fail to delegate to
them significant responsibilities beyond their own classrooms is impossible for
us to comprehend. In return - it should hardly be necessary to say again -
teachers must realize they are responsible for their performance to their
students and to their students' parents. The vivid symbol of the closed
classroom door must not be taken as the right of a teacher to exclude or ignore
those with a legitimate right to participation and influence.
Teachers also have the right to have their interests as
employees protected by the five teachers' federations. That's why we recommend
that these federations restrict their activities mainly to that important role,
and that the responsibility for teachers' professional development be given to
the new College of Teachers that we call for in Chapter 12. We should also
emphasize that while we're pretty sure that few commissions could be more
sympathetic to the trade-union functions of the teachers' federations than this
one, the right of all students to learn and the need of schools to introduce
the kind of reforms our report suggests, must be the absolute priority for
everyone involved in the education system.
Let's be candid again. If the system is to be transformed
substantially, the need for flexibility which we've stressed must be the rule
for all stakeholders, and not just the teachers' unions. For example, while we
naturally support university autonomy, we fully expect the ten faculties of
education to be co-operative partners in the education system. That means all
these faculties will agree - we'd like to think they will do enthusiastically -
with the major changes in teacher preparation that we set out in Chapter 12,
and will strive to forge a more common agenda than is now the case.
Parents
Just as the research is clear about the positive impact of
involving teachers in school management, so it's equally strong about the
positive role parents can play in their kids' education. Nothing motivates a
child more than a home where learning is valued. If parents show a close
interest in their children's school progress, help with homework and home
projects, and attend their kids' various school performances and sports events,
their kids are more likely to have higher student achievement, higher
aspirations, better attendance, and a more positive relationship with their
teachers. That's why, for us, this form of parental involvement in schooling
takes precedence over all others, and we've described it as a priority for
every principal and teacher to take active steps to help parents do exactly
those things.
In our view, this is a far more productive use of the often
limited time and energy of most parents than being involved in sharing
management responsibilities with the principal; as far as we can see, only a
small minority of parents are actually interested in playing that kind of role,
and there's no evidence we know of to demonstrate that it improves kids'
learning. We've recommended a parents' charter of rights and responsibilities
that will spell out unmistakably the right of a parent to be welcomed in
school, the kind of contact with and support from teachers that they're
entitled to, and a line of communication between home and school that will be
known to all concerned. There's no doubt in our minds that schools would
benefit significantly if the views and concerns of parents were solicited in a
regular and systematic way. Many schools and school boards have become highly
adept at using the language of openness and sharing with their parents; now the
deed must replace fine words.
The community
Similarly, while some want to mandate a parents' council for
every school, we think it would be more productive to establish
school-community councils on which parents would have significant
representation. These councils are the centrepiece of one of our four engines,
the one we call community education. We've argued throughout our report that
schools, or at least teachers, can't handle everything that's being thrown at
them, and that their primary responsibility must be the academic one. We don't
for a moment minimize the social and other non-academic needs of our students,
but they simply must be shared with appropriate community members or agencies
if teachers are going to be able to do their jobs most effectively.
To organize and mobilize those community resources, and to be
the school's main structural link with the community, are the general functions
of these new school-community councils. Led by the principal, and comprising
community representatives, parents, and some teachers and students, it's this
council that would create the alliances to allow teachers to concentrate on
better academic teaching. Inevitably and reasonably, the council would want to
advise the principal on general matters relating to improving the school, and
the wise principal would seek and heed its advice.
School boards
By this stage, careful readers will have observed that we've yet
to discuss the power and influence of the only two democratically elected
players in the world of schooling, the Minister of Education and Training and
the 172 boards of education. Let's deal first with those controversial bodies
known as boards of education.
Boards are curious animals. On the one hand, we happily
acknowledge that some of the most exciting educational initiatives in Ontario
over the years have been driven not by the Ministry but by individual boards
with dynamic trustees and dedicated administrators. Some of the best educators
in this province have worked and still work at the board level. And across
Ontario we know of large numbers of committed trustees who work hundreds of
hours on behalf of their students for a mere pittance in payment. This is one
reality of boards of education in Ontario.
But there's another. For many people, boards are the unknown
components in the system. Trustees are elected by a tiny proportion of the
electorate, if indeed they don't win by acclamation. It might be embarrassing
to discover how many constituents know their trustees' names. Board agendas too
often reflect matters that are light years away from what happens in their
schools; anyone who has sat in on a meeting of a school board knows that it can
be a truly surrealistic experience. The line between trustees as determiners of
policy and administrators as implementers of policy is often anything but
self-evident. On the other hand, trustees sometimes involve themselves too
intimately and inappropriately with the direct lives of their schools.
These are some of the reasons that some jurisdictions elsewhere
in the industrialized world have eliminated or sharply curtailed the power of
such boards. But the effects of these changes are not at all clear, and we've
seen no compelling evidence that they've had a particularly positive effect on
kids' learning the supposed point of the exercise, we need to keep reminding
ourselves. Besides, in a province as vast and diverse as this, there's no way
five thousand schools could be adminstered either individually or by the
Ministry, so we don't support the elimination of school boards in Ontario.
On the other hand, because of our overriding belief that Ontario
school kids need a largely common and equitable learning experience, we
recommend the transfer of several key responsibilities away from boards. We
believe that determining the level of each board's expenditures, for example,
should be the Ministry's job. The Ministry should also be responsible for
developing more detailed course guidelines, although we fully expect they'll
use the abundance of existing local expertise to do so.
As a result, the primary responsibility of school boards will be
to translate general Ministry guidelines into viable local practice. Their job
is to make local policy consistent with both provincial policy and local
realities. They set clear expectations and guidelines for their schools and
work with them to make sure they're progressing towards those ends. Once they
know their budgets, boards must decide - using overall Ministry policy criteria
- how the money is to be distributed. Boards provide direct lines of
communication between the school system and the general public. Boards must
actively support the work of school-community councils in helping schools
mobilize community resources that are not specific to a single school.
We want to stress that we don't under-estimate at all the
importance of such work. But we also need to keep it in perspective. It is a
role with finite boundaries. The job we see boards doing needs to be done, and
we're confident it can be done - and done well - on a part-time basis, as it's
currently done by most Ontario trustees. For us, the logical conclusion is that
boards don't need full-time trustees, so we think it's sensible that their
remuneration not exceed $20,000 a year. But we were startled to learn how few
trustees this would affect. Only about 5 percent of all trustees, in just seven
of Ontario's 172 boards, now make more than that amount. Of course it's also
true that these lucky few may be supported by assistants, secretaries, offices,
and the like.
It's also possible that boards don't need as many trustees as
they have now, although our review of the literature doesn't reveal any magic
formula for determining exactly what number of trustees per population makes
most sense. Ultimately, whatever number is decided on will be an arbitrary one,
and most of us have no strong feelings on the issue.
Similarly, most of us didn't end up sharing the view of some
Ontarians that we have far too many school boards. As with trustees, we were
never able to establish any objective factors for determining what the right
number of boards should be. Ontario has far fewer school boards per capita than
any other province in Canada, as well as far more municipal councils than
school boards; Chapter 17 has some very revealing data on these comparisons.
Nor did we find any evidence that the number of boards relates one way or
another to the quality of learning. The amounts of money that could be saved by
having fewer boards and used elsewhere in the system don't appear to be huge.
We encourage those boards that are so small as to be of dubious viability to
amalgamate. But in the end, given the evidence, most of us concluded that this
simply wasn't one of the big issues in Ontario education.
And if boards' responsibilities and trustees' time are both
reduced, it follows that the number of administrators and support staff in many
boards may be able to shrink as well, although we realize this has already
begun during some of the budget-slashing exercises of the past few years. At
the same time, we shouldn't under-estimate the need for boards to have
sufficient top-flight staff to play their important role in assuring that
schools are able to meet their learning goals. Similarly, while we naturally
recommend that neighbouring boards co-operate as much as possible on as many
matters as possible to make their operations more efficient, we recognize that
across the province many such arrangements are already in full swing.
If the various changes that we've recommended in this section
are implemented, there would be one board that, on balance, would no longer
seem necessary. Metro Toronto has a two-tiered system of six local boards, all
of which send representatives to a Metropolitan Toronto Public Board of
Education. There was once a good reason for this set-up, but we're persuaded
that the Metro Board no longer has sufficient responsiblities to justify its
separate existence. This will be particularly true if, as we recommend, the
province assumes the direct responsiblity for school funding. It should not
prove too difficult to make adequate provision for the few remaining Metro
board functions, notably Metro-wide collective bargaining. It is time to phase
out the umbrella level of Metro's two tiers of school boards.
The ministry
From school boards we move logically to the Ministry of
Education and Training itself. But this is one of those cases where last is by
no means least because to the Ministry we assign a powerful central role to
drive the process of reform that our report is all about.
We understand that this will seem to be a controversial
recommendation at a time when there exists considerable dissatisfaction with
the Ministry in many quarters. Teachers, parents, trustees, and administrators
all expressed dismay about the many changes of directions and additional
demands that successive Ministers have imposed on the system in recent years,
often without sufficient rationale and adequate planning. At the same time,
they also complained of the lack of Ministry strength and focused leadership
over the last several years, as staff cuts have taken their toll. So we present
our views here keenly aware of these concerns, yet confident they can be
overcome.
We're persuaded that the needs of Ontario's students call for a
strong Ministry that gives firm, creative leadership to the province's vast
education enterprise, while remaining sensitive to the need for maximum local
input. We expect the Ministry to establish the overall purposes and direction
of the education system as a whole. At the moment, because large
assessment-rich boards like those in Ottawa and Metro Toronto are not dependent
for funding on the Ministry, they are able to be somewhat selective in carrying
out Ministry policies. While throughout this report we've attempted to build in
the flexibility to accommodate Ontario's remarkable diversity and scale, it's
precisely that diversity and scale that make it all the more important to have
common education policies to bind us together. For this reason, although we
value the role of boards in giving life to Ministry policies at the local
level, we nevertheless want several of the responsibilities that now sit with
boards to be transferred to the Ministry.
In order to achieve greater equity for all students, we believe
the bulk of the taxing powers that are now in board hands should become the
Ministry's. In fact, we see that ensuring equity for all students is a major
Ministry responsibility. As well, the Ministry should be primarily responsible
for producing a common curriculum and common outcomes for all levels of
schooling, although we expect it to use the great expertise of educators across
the province to do so. We want the Ministry to produce a uniform new report
card for use by all boards.
Yet at the same time, we've deliberately sought to divest the
Ministry of significant authority in certain areas where we believe others,
closer to the life of schools, are in a better position to make decisions. For
example, we expect principals and teachers to have greater authority and
responsibility to make their schools work better, and our College of Teachers
would take responsibility for teacher preparation and professional
development.
Finally, and importantly, besides the Ministry of Education and
Training, several other ministries of the Ontario government have key roles to
play in realizing our vision of a better learning system for this province's
students. If the potential of school-community partnerships is to be taken
seriously, rather than as the easy stuff of politicians' speeches,
inter-ministerial co-operation both at Queen's Park and at the local level is
absolutely vital. It is always dismaying to learn how difficult it appears to
be for members in different ministries of the same government to collaborate,
and it seems to require leadership at the highest level of government to make
it happen. The power of the government is not in question. Whether the will
exists remains to be seen.
